The most infamously controversial rubric in the Book of Common
Prayer is the ‘ornaments rubric’, found on the page immediately
before the beginning of the order for Mattins. It reads:
And here is to be noted, that such Ornaments of the Church, and of
the Ministers thereof, at all Times of their Ministration, shall be
retained, and be in use, as were in this Church of England, by
the Authority of Parliament, in the Second Year of the Reign of King
Edward the Sixth.
Despite the apparently vague reference at the end, the meaning of
this direction was largely uncontroversial from its authorship in 1559
until the 19th century. Everybody knew what the commonly-used ornaments
of the Church and ministers were without having to refer to the second
year of the reign of Edward VI: for ministers, at all services, a
cassock and surplice, with a preaching scarf for ordained ministers, and
a hood for graduates.
When the time came for revision of the prayer book after the
Restoration, the Puritan party asked the bishops to simply delete this
text, ‘forasmuch as this rubric seemeth to bring back the cope, alb,
etc., and other vestments forbidden by the Common Prayer Book, 5 and 6
Edw. VI’. The bishops simply replied, ‘We think it fit that the rubric
continue as it is’, and so we have it still printed today, though it is
no longer of real relevance under modern canon law.
When ritualism came along in the 19th century, those who desired to
re-introduce things like the eucharistic vestments into the service
cited this rubric as their authority for doing so. (At the same time,
liturgical historians wondered why the bishops had answered that they
wanted to keep the rubric allowing the ‘cope [sic], alb, etc.’,
but then made no effort to restore or encourage their use.) The most
extreme ritualists pointed out that the first prayer book, with the
ornaments it allowed, technically only came into use (rather
than authorization) in the third year of Edward VI,
and therefore that almost the full array of pre-Reformation ornaments
were available to be used. More moderate ritualists were satisfied to
take this as referring to the 1549 prayer book, which enjoined a good
variety of ornaments such as the chasuble for the celebrating priest and
tunicles for the deacons at the Holy Communion (though the list of
ornaments mentioned therein is clearly not complete, so reference must
be made to other contemporary documents). In the favour of the milder
ritualists was the fact that the original form of this rubric (in 1559
and 1604) had an additional clause at the end, ‘according to the Act of
Parliament set forth in the beginning of this book’, i.e. the Act of
Uniformity 1559; and the regnal year of the first Act of Uniformity was,
indeed, 2 Edward VI.
Anti-ritualists pointed out that the rubric had subsequently been
superseded, or at least circumscribed, by the Elizabethan
advertisements which prescribed instead ‘such seemly habits,
garments, and such square caps, as were most commonly and orderly
received in the latter year of the reign of King Edward VI’ (i.e. only
the surplice), and the new canon law of 1604 which enjoined only the
surplice, and the cope for the use of cathedral churches. Ritualists
countered that these were clearly meant to be minimum
standards, imposed at a time when Puritans were resisting even the
surplice, and that the continued existence of the ornaments rubric up to
1604 and beyond was a sign that a more lavish approach to ornamentation
was still allowed, even if rarely used.
Anti-ritualists then pointed to the Act of Uniformity 1559, which
stated that the authority of the ornaments stemming from the 1549 book
extended only ‘until other order shall be therein taken by the authority
of the Queen’s Majesty, with the advice of her commissioners appointed’,
and that the issuing of the advertisements clearly satisfied this
requirement of the Act, and therefore that the permission for use of the
1549 ornaments had become a dead letter with the arrival of the
Elizabethan injunctions. The ritualists disagreed, pointing out that the
rubric survived into 1604 and 1662, long after the advertisements
themselves had been made, and indeed become obsolete.
The theological core of the debate was whether or not the use of the
chasuble at the mass implied a ‘Roman’ doctrine concerning the
sacrificial nature of the eucharist. Evangelicals, thinking the Church
of England to be primarily reformed in character with lip service paid
to historic catholicity, wanted to avoid any aesthetic suggestions of
Roman doctrines; Anglo-Catholics, thinking it to be primarily catholic
while having reformed away a relatively small number of significant
mediaeval abuses and superstitions, did not mind the idea of the mass
being thought of as a sacrifice, and some didn’t see how the chasuble
implied a sacrifice anyway.
The debate raged on into the 20th century, until the eucharistic
vestments were finally to have been explicitly legalized by a rubric in
the proposed 1928 prayer book. Unfortunately, the evangelical party
succeeded at defeating that in Parliament; but the unofficial authority
the bishops gave to the 1928 book essentially put an end to arguing
about whether the vestments were legal, and shifted the debate
to the more clearly doctrinal question of whether they were
proper.
Finally, in the 1960s the Church of England took the approach of
creating a compromise with which nobody was happy but on which everyone
could agree: in revising the Church’s canon law for the first time since
1604, they allowed the eucharistic vestments while explicitly stating
that they have no doctrinal significance, and thereby also allowed the
eucharistic vestments to be used at non-eucharistic services — thus we
nowadays see e.g. Evensong wrongly yet lawfully ministered in an alb and
stole. Even so the doctrinal debate is still pushed by certain factions
within the evangelical wing who continue to think the eucharistic
vestments improper.
What
other ornaments were in use before the Oxford Movement?
A note in John Cosin’s Particulars, reproduced in G. J. Cuming’s
edition of the ‘Durham Book’ (a heavily-annotated copy of the 1604
prayer book used by the bishops while preparing the revision in 1662)
suggests that perhaps a small number of ministers at their were
using some ornaments other than the ones which have often widely been
assumed to have been in use at the Reformation:
But what those Ornaments of the Church and of the Ministers were, is
not here specified, and they are so unknown to many, that by most they
are neglected.
Unknown to many, and neglected by most? Who, then,
was not neglecting some of the ornaments allowed by that rubric? Which
ornaments were they using which were not used by ‘most’ others? Was
anyone using the alb and tunicle, or wearing chasubles?
Cosin also wrote in his Advices (another book of notes
on the rubrics he wanted to revise),
The very words of that Act (2 Edw. VI) for the ministers’ Ornaments,
would be set down, or, to pray to have a New One made; for there is
somewhat in that Act, that now may not be used.
So clearly Cosin felt that the authorization of some of the
ornaments of 1549 had lapsed, presumably as a result of the canons of
1604. But, at least for a time, he didn’t think that the eucharistic
vestments were among them, since he glossed the 1559 Act of Uniformity
in his second series of notes on he prayer book thus:
Provided always, and be it enacted, that Such Ornaments of the Church
(whereunto the adornment and decent furniture of the Communion-Table
relate), and of the Ministers thereof (as the Alb or Surplice,
the Vestment or Cope, with the Rochet and Pastoral Staff before
mentioned), shall be retained and be in use, as was in this Church
of England by Authority of Parliament in the Second (not the
fifth) Year of the Reign of King Edward the Sixth; until other
Order shall be therein taken by the Authority of the Queen’s Majesty,
with the Advice of her Commissioners appointed and authorized under the
Great Seal of England, for Causes Ecclesiastical, or of the Metropolitan
of this Realm. Which other Order so qualified, as here it is
appointed to be, was never yet made.
At some point, though, concludes Cuming, he began to have doubts
whether such an order ‘was never yet made’, thinking that the canon law
counted as such an order. (He may also have been unaware of the
Elizabethan injunctions, although this seems unlikely.) He therefore
proposed simply to add the words ‘that is to say — A Surplice &c.’.
Cuming also suggests, however, that this ‘&c.’ may be an attempt at
a compromise between his personal interpretation on the legality of
ornaments (including all those of 1549) and the common understanding and
use of his time, to avoid further controversy with the Puritan party,
with whom the 1662 book was supposed to be a compromise, and not
reflective of an acceptance that the surplice was the only legal garment
of the time.
Cosin had certainly done quite a bit of research into this rubric,
but we’re still no closer to understanding which ornaments ‘most’ people
at his time ignored, and who were the people who were using them.
Given that Cosin himself was apparently unsure about the legality of
sacramental vestments, it seems unlikely that these were among them. But
he was, for instance, certain that lights upon the altar were legal and
in use at that time, enjoined by
Edward VI in 1547:
Among other ornaments of the church that were then in use, the
setting of two lights upon the communion-table or altar was one,
appointed by the king’s Injunctions. (‘Notes on the Book of Common
Prayer’, Second Series)
I’m not sure how common this was in Cosin’s time, but this is
significant given that the placement of lights on the altar at other
times than when needed for illumination at night was later the cause of
ritual prosecutions, it apparently having fallen entirely out of use by
the 19th century.
Incense, too, was in use in the Cosin’s time, presumably under the
authority of this rubric; Percy Dearmer writes in the Parson’s
Handbook that:
There are many instances on record of its use under the Elizabethan
Prayer Book and our own. It was recommended by Herbert, used
by Andrewes and Cosin, and many other seventeenth-century divines […]
and, when our modern ritualists revived it, there were men living who
might have seen it burnt at Ely Cathedral. (11th edn, p. 29)
Thus the amount of time during which incense was out of use entirely
was clearly confined to less than a single lifetime, yet in this time
its lack of use came to be taken as being because it was illegal.
Things such as these are probably what Cosin is referring to by
‘most’ ministers not using the full ornaments. The (mainly high church)
bishops who ultimately controlled the revision of the 1662 prayer book
presumably, then, thought it best that the ornaments rubric continue not
in order to safeguard the legality of eucharistic vestments which were
by their time long out of use, but rather to ensure that ornaments of
the church which were in use, but were uncommon, could continue
to be undoubtedly legal. These ornaments they themselves presumably
liked to use, and they could perhaps see that with no rubric at all on
ornamentation, there would be an increased danger of suspicion by the
Puritan clergy that high churchmen of the era were already propagating
illegal liturgical practices.
It is thus small wonder that the legal arguments of the
anti-ritualists of the 19th century had to be based on a presumption
that the ornaments rubric had ceased to have any force. Just as the
bishops likely suspected, when the explicit statement of the legality of
the ornaments of 1548–9 is taken away, and there is no direction
considered to have effect, then what is considered lawful becomes
equated with what is normal — and what is normal naturally evolves over
time, the tendency being to decay rather than growth.
Thus we have not only an answer for what Cosin meant by ornaments
being mostly neglected at his time, but also for why the bishops allowed
the continuation of a rubric which seemed, for the liturgical
historicals of the 19th century, to be about ensuring the legality of
vestments which they never actually attempted to use.